I was urged by several close friends to share my thoughts for next week’s 14th GE, after having several political exchange sessions recently.
A fair disclaimer, though.
This will be a rather lengthy remark made by myself, therefore I extend my sincerest thanks to all of you for being patient readers.
There will be plenty of shortcomings from this article, & I look forward to having correcting inputs from the readers to improve this review.
Any feedback, are most welcomed.
Barisan Nasional (BN)
Led by current Prime Minister Najib Razak from the coalition’s dominant party, UMNO.
The main issue surrounding them was Mr Najib’s eroding public support due to several disastrous financial scandals & kleptocracy allegations during his tenure, namely 1MDB & the mismanagement of NFC, FELDA, MARA, TH, etc.
The introduction of the highly unfavorable GST also diminished Mr Najib’s ratings & his coalition’s reputation to an all time low.
Mr Najib was seen by many as a major liability coming into this election but has so far managed to survive, outmaneuvering most of his political opponents from both within his own party & resisting pressures applied from outside party channels.
He has done so brilliantly through winning supreme control over key party affairs, aggressive enforcement of state apparatuses working in his personal favor, as well as radical shifts in personnel, policies & public relations when compared to his initial style in the previous general election.
A more ultra-nationalist, confrontational & racially-charged tone is being presented by him & his supporters to woo or ‘scare’ the crucial native Malay-Bumiputra majority voters into their fold.
From the ‘soft’ 1Malaysia concept to the now ‘fierce’ Hebatkan Negaraku campaign, Mr Najib attempts to dispel any doubts about his assertiveness by turning ruthless & avoiding the same fate of his rather weak predecessor, Mr Abdullah Badawi.
Taking lessons from Donald Trump’s US Presidential success, Mr Najib’s ‘carrot & stick’ method to expand his ‘base’ seems to be working very well.
A populist ‘charm’ offensive through his BR1M cash handouts, the MRT public transportation success, an interactive TN50 initiative, the ambitious TRX development project & a never before seen competitive Manifesto Declaration filled with rewarding promises are some examples.
The party machinery’s wealth of experience & vast resources accumulated over the decades in power is being put to good use to retain the status quo of Malaysia as it is today, contributing as another significant factor.
These are balanced out by the autocratic ‘curb’ oppressive through his threatening rhetoric demanding members obedience, the reduction of civil freedoms through unjust legislation, the gratuitous judicial prosecutions upon critical voices, the increasing influence of religious bureaucracies to regulate the ‘correct’ version of Islam, the ‘co-option’ of many civil societies into government, the dismissal of several high-profile officials from the executive branch& the frequency of suspiciously volatile ‘incidents’ done by hired operators to stir domestic chaos.
In addition, the democratic mechanisms in Malaysia are severely crippled as we’ve witness with the ROS & EC interference (from political party suspensions, re-delineation exercises timing, lopsided gerrymandering, mid-week vote casting to reduce number of voter turnout, limiting conditions on campaign material, etc) under directives from higher supervisors.
Bias mainstream media manipulation, a well-improved social media engagement & unfortunate gross electoral abuses that are unprecedented show signs of his desperation.
These propaganda tactics to ‘distract’ & ‘drown out’ the prevailing issues of increasing gap of inequality, struggling realities of urban poverty, bleak conditions of youth vulnerability, absence of accountability & transparency, erosion of good governance & public trust, luxurious spending by VIP families & cronies, as well as the bigotry of idiotic personalities, might just be enough to pull him through the storm.
This election will be Mr Najib’s greatest career test as his credibility is all but ruined, to the point of him requiring to drag-out & exhaust the full 5-year term mandate, yet he continues to effectively cling on to power with the backing from his ‘loud’ loyalists & cunning advisory team.
They have accomplished their initial aim of ‘damage control’ & managed their institutional advantages to the fullest.
‘Sweetheart’ dealings with the oil-rich Saudi monarchs & the world superpower mainland China in various aspects of national interests (security, investments, technology, intelligence, etc) are keeping the ‘capitalist’ Mr Najib hopeful for a political ‘redemption’, at the expense of national dignity & sovereignty.
That being said, he cannot afford to lose any more state governments or suffer any surprising upsets.
Only a comfortable 2/3 super-majority win in this election would ensure his continued leadership.
Otherwise, Mr Najib will definitely face even tougher conditions to sustain the internal stability that he enjoys at the moment out of pure party convenience & lack of alternative leadership candidates.
There are certainly some talented future leaders & bright young politicians in the mix like Khairy Jamaluddin & Dr Asyraf Wajdi, but due to the feudalistic culture & rigid nature already embedded within its septic hierarchical structure, the chance to see them in action might take quite a while or perhaps not at all.
There isn’t much prospective substance being offered either, only attractive ‘repackaging’ & lucrative ‘incentives’ being offered like candy to gullible Malaysians.
Mr Najib has certainly regained his stride, with the main plus point for his coalition is that they are ‘well prepared’ & ‘well ahead’.
Only an internal implosion at the last minute by rejected ‘warlords’ or disgruntled ‘elites’ from either within UMNO itself or the important East Malaysian political parties primarily from Sarawak & Sabah can destabilize the coalition’s chances.
The other main political party partners in the coalition such as the MCA, MIC & GERAKAN are also facing final judgement in this election after suffering heavy losses in the previous election.
This election will definitely ‘make or break’ all of them.
Gagasan Sejahtera (GS)
Led by the passionate orator & influential Muslim cleric Hadi Awang from the coalition’s commanding party, PAS.
A former opposition ally now-turned ‘3rd force’ bloc, PAS is by no means an underdog.
Its long historical contributions in politics & vast influence particularly across the Malay-centric hinterlands & rural districts should never be dismissed, even more so during this massive election.
PAS’s steady growth over the years through its many outreaches in mosques, suraus, madrasahs, schools as well as strategic positioning in campuses, administrations, entertainment industries & businesses despite being disadvantaged by the Federal government is worth pondering.
Their long-held Kelantan state government as rightly pointed out by a dear friend of mine, despite having many apparent flaws, is a rare form of success & possible model of reference for any Islamic political party in the world during this modern era.
As visibly noticed during the last BERSIH public rally in contrast to their huge RUU 355 assembly turnout, the PAS crowd’s absence during BERSIH was felt by leaps & bounds that could not be ignored.
It goes to show how powerful their grassroots mobilization actually is & how difficult it is to replicate such a ‘critical mass’ into a force like they are able to.
This is attributed to their die-hard member’s solid training that is religiously motivated & having firm convictions in pursuing the party’s directives.
It’s change in political direction under Mr Hadi does come at a very pivotal moment for Malaysia & the Islamist party in itself.
This modification is not at all surprising as the party attempts to overhaul & regain organizational order within its own ‘house’ after several notable episodes, including the demise of its iconic leader Nik Aziz, the exodus of its ‘progressive’ faction during their recent Muktamar, the ‘sharp’ disputes amounting to a ‘civil war’ in the aftermath & the urgency to finally discover a winning political ‘formula’ after decades being left in the fringes with electoral disappointments.
All of these issues are set in the backdrop of a global decline & Islamophobic persecution towards all Muslim movements in general, with many prominent scholars advising & indirectly affecting PAS’s current motives, orientation & functions.
A dichotomous Islamic expression then began to willfully emerge from the ultra-conservative elements already in existence in PAS, immediately taking over after the disintegration of the ‘political cooperation’ in the defunct Pakatan Rakyat, towards the now budding ‘ummatic cooperation’ with various Malay Muslim agendas & entities like ISMA’s Gerakan Pengundi Sedar.
Their student cadres & vocal proxies are ironically also actively re-acclimatizing to accommodate more nationalistic ‘flavors’ & traditionalist views in their advocacy & discourses for the sake of boosting the confidence of its supporters as well as new prospects.
Further escalating PAS’s resolve to go solo in this election is its preferred regimented ‘uniformity’ as oppose to Pakatan Harapan’s consensus ‘unity’ in decision making.
Thus, not only can PAS now measure its own political capacity independently, but it firmly believes that it can deliver a clear message to its supporter base & also ‘gift’ a painful circumstance to their former colleagues.
Similar to the settings in UMNO, PAS has remove all rebellious elements & enforced a ‘one-way’ narrative from the ‘top-down’ with no more obstacles or lingering doubts.
As to how far this will be fruitful in the long-run, its quite hard to tell.
But for the meantime, it makes perfect sense only to PAS to revert back to its fundamental origins & swing to the far-right to garner as much devoted supporters as they possibly could by identifying themselves as ‘champions’ representing the best interest of the majority Malay Muslims, some of whom are silently ‘closeted extremists’ awaiting to burst out into the political establishment.
PAS is fervently determined to contest in many Parliamentary & DUN seats alone, based on their internal estimations of becoming a possible ‘king-maker’ if a political deadlock occurs.
However, PAS does suffer a decline in overall Malaysian public support apart from its own staunched followers, due to the fact that it is solely responsible for insisting on this election’s 3-cornered fight, splitting the opposition votes in favor of the incumbent government’s advantage.
Furthermore, they are facing interior ‘vacuums’ across its various political instruments & mechanisms left unresolved after the ‘braindrain’ of politically knowledgeable & astute operators such as Mustafa Ali out from their party ranks.
This crisis is being carefully kept under wraps by reaching deep into its core membership & promoting ‘fresh’ technocrats within PAS’s rank & file to temporarily fill in the void, as a reward for years of service & loyalty to the party.
PAS under Mr Hadi seems to be more isolated than it has ever been before, growing more intolerant in it’s practices, vaguely offering societal solutions & permitting abrasive conducts or confusing statements that court spiteful controversies from its rather ‘brash’ succeeding party leaders.
Despite these worryingly regressive inclinations, PAS does have an intended future with still moderate leaders like Tuan Ibrahim & a certain segment of its youth truly internalizing the BPMS concept laid out by Mr Hadi as a guideline to deal with ‘salvos’ aimed at the party.
We are slowly seeing more & more ‘polished’ PAS youths being groomed to wholeheartedly defend the party’s core identities & at the same time articulate their political branding to those that prefer such methods.
Mr Hadi has taken his party on a different route, with the main plus point for his coalition is that they are ‘well committed’ & ‘well adjusted’.
They cater exclusively to those that are willing to embrace their convictions & their persuasions.
Only time will tell whether or not their pursuit for ‘legitimacy’ over ‘relevancy’ pays off or backfires dangerously.
In political dynamics, risks are sometimes taken in order to attain greater rewards from the spoils of other front’s conflicts & misfortunes.
How PAS reacts post GE-14, irrespective of the results, is interesting to anticipate & would ultimately determine its lifespan in the foreseeable years of Malaysian politics.
Pakatan Harapan (PH)
i – PKR
The ‘Anwar Ibrahim factor’ still plays a remarkable role, even till this very day despite Mr Anwar’s defamatory incarceration by the BN government.
His charismatic persona weighs heavily upon every major decision in the opposition coalition & is justifiably so.
Mr Anwar’s sacrifice for the greater cause only in the interest of the nation stems directly from his Islamic foundations, his Nusantara heritage, his intellectual background & his ministerial experience.
To forgo personal resentments, organize a working framework & agree to an unexpected understanding with his former mentor that removed him from office prior, requires an exceptional amount of wisdom & bravery beyond measure.
Having initiated & led several successful political ‘waves’ in Malaysia throughout his astonishing career, Mr Anwar’s credentials & integrity deserves an applause.
His inspirational absence in this election cannot be understated.
Awaiting for his release from Sg Buloh prison nearly one month after the election results, Mr Anwar will definitely oversee this unique coalition that he help set up & prepare it for the next 15th GE, then either as the stronger challenging opposition or enter as the 1st term defending government.
While serving time in prison, his distinctive multiracial party is currently led by his wife, Dr Wan Azizah who will be making history as the very 1st female Deputy Prime Minister candidate for Malaysia.
Their highly talented eldest daughter Nurul Izzah, is one of the few female politicians with character & intelligence that could also be Malaysia’s future Prime Minister candidate.
Regrettably, despite adhering well & true to its democratic values with Islamic nuances, PKR seems a bit too diverse to manage without having a gigantic personality like Mr Anwar at its helm.
Even though having a well-performing Selangor state government managed by the pragmatic & capable Azmin Ali, PKR’s chief Minister, the PKR has faced plenty of internal fractions & power jostling in Mr Anwar’s absence.
The overt clashes between differing ‘camps’ & ideologies in PKR, from one aspect is democratically healthy & celebrating its dialectic processes as all have the same intended goals of justice & institutional reforms but have overlapping means to reach those destinations.
That being said, the other side of the ‘coin’ would be that it genuinely displays a lack of proper party solidarity that may jeopardize its chances the moment its ‘de facto’ leader is no more to unite the party.
Individuals going ‘rogue’ in PKR is almost seasonal, sometimes even comical due to the party’s openness.
Most take advantage for selfish purposes, while some rebel for a better platform to reinvigorate PKR’s quality, like the creative efforts done by Rafizi Ramli & his INVOKE outlet that has huge support from many young Malaysians.
If only all of these factions or groups could suspend their interests & differences to pool their resources together, PKR would be a formidable force to be reckon with that fulfills Mr Anwar’s genuine aspiration.
Another possible worry would come from the abandonment by its own hardcore members from the ‘Reformasi’ period approximately 2 decades ago as a form of retaliation to what they perceive as compromising the ‘Reformasi’ spirit by accepting the very same ‘tyrant’ that they protested against in 1998.
This is further worsen with the failure of its youth wing leadership to generate substantial new recruitment drives as the ‘continuing’ generation, leading to a political ‘fatigue’ whereby PKR seniors with too much ‘baggage’ are ‘recycled’ into the party’s leadership & causing even greater youth ‘alienation’ as opposed to the other two coalitions (UMNO & PAS) mentioned above, or its own coalition partners (DAP, AMANAH, BERSATU).
Nevertheless, the agreement from all parties in the Pakatan Harapan coalition to officially use the PKR logo as the best accepted substitute for this 14th GE is a symbolic gesture of unification as well as an opportunity for PKR to re-introduce itself to a whole new voter demography in the hopes of reclaiming its original prestige & principles.
It signals the dawn of a new form of politics particularly related to the opposition that was never there before this.
Today, a credible alternative government containing a variety of party components proven at state level is a real possibility for Malaysians to choose from.
Mr Anwar has established a viable vision that is contextually & sophisticatedly accurate, with the main plus point for his party is that they are ‘well suited’ & ‘well improving’.
PKR is here to stay, provided that it can resolve all of its disputes more professionally & undergo a serious revamp to have a more robust succession plan to produce more young leaders like Wan Ji, Amin Ahmad & Dr Fahmi Ngah that ensures its longevity.
Old ways of bickering politics should make way for more diplomatic figures such as Saifuddin Abdullah, & promote contestation of ideas not positions among its members that is resonant to the welfare requirements of the citizens that they serve.
Retaining the Selangor state government is essential for PKR because of their stellar track-record thus far in managing the state compared to the previous BN administration, coupled with their opponents in BN not having any worthy options as chief Minister.
However, PAS might turn things around on its head by causing a unlikely stalemate in Selangor due to it having a large presence in the state.
This is something that needs to be kept an eye out for.
PKR will also be hoping to make inroads into the WP, N9, Melaka & Johor states to tip the scale in their coalition’s favor.
ii – DAP
Holding a sizable amount of support from the minority non-Bumiputra citizens, the DAP under the tutelage of its veteran supremo Lim Kit Siang has been the more consistent electoral performer, growing from strength to strength & having a very vibrant design & meticulous planning.
Their running of the Penang state government is highly regarded under the direction of chief Minister Lim Guan Eng, although occasionally facing problems that slightly dents its reputation.
The DAP are regularly stigmatized & stereotyped, often labelled as chauvinistic, arrogant & Chinese-centric as part of their party philosophy, mainly due to its past efforts in pushing the limits calling for greater equality & meritocracy that in effect disrupts the Malay-Bumiputra special privileges.
Selective ‘racist’ types of elements among the DAP membership does overshadow the great involvements done by smart DAP politicians such as Dr Ong Kian Ming, Liew Chin Tong, Steven Sim & Yeo Bee Yin, etc.
Having historical ties to bitter memories with Singapore’s PAP & the awful 13th May riots insinuates a general dislike by the majority Malay-Bumiputra towards the party.
One of the root causes contributing to the eventual departure of PAS from the previous opposition coalition was because of its irreparable disagreement with DAP in terms of policies, objectives, as well as ideology.
These are the sort of challenges that the DAP have to face, to work twice as hard as compared to other political parties to earn a bit of recognition from outside its sphere of influence.
DAP have in recent years experiment with several appealing yet ‘cosmetic’ Malay-born DAP candidates in the hopes of reducing its rejection from the wider Malaysian audience.
It has seen mixed successes & failures from that venture.
Constitutional expert Dr Aziz Bari, National Laureate A. Samad Said & youngster Sheikh Omar Ali’s involvement for the DAP may pave the way for a change in perception.
Setting aside those sort of polemics, the DAP is still an important political ally to not only ensure a fair share & rights to all citizens but more importantly be a proactive partner to practically govern a multiracial & multicultural country such as Malaysia in a harmonious & prosperous fashion.
Mr Guan Eng has guided his party to better suit the sensitivity of Malaysia’s evolving conditions, with the main plus point for his party is that they are ‘well disciplined’ & ‘well aware’.
These two specific traits that the DAP has personifies its usefulness to the Pakatan Harapan coalition.
This time around, the DAP are making high-risk contestations in several ‘David vs Goliath’ showdowns with their counterparts MCA & GERAKAN in an attempt to ‘bury’ their direct rivals at their own BN strongholds.
Retaining the Penang state government seems very likely.
DAP will also be hoping to make inroads into the Pahang, Perak, WP, Johor & Sarawak states to tip the scale in their coalition’s favor.
iii – AMANAH
A old political party that is given a new lease of life by Mohamad Sabu & his compatriots to participate in politics after their exodus from PAS.
Their bitter split with their former party nearly ended the careers of many bright leaders such as Sallahuddin Ayub, Dr Mujahid Rawa, Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad, etc.
AMANAH is task to contain the threat & eventually foil PAS’s monopoly upon the Political Islam discourse & its related ideals.
Having highly competent leaders such as Husam Musa, Mahfuz Omar, Mazlan Aliman, etc to carry the ‘progressive’ Muslims banner is encouraging.
The real challenge for AMANAH though would be to translate their ‘star’ personalities & ‘popular’ public figures into grassroots operations.
After an initial ‘buzz’, the party appears to have run out of momentum & are unable to significantly match or even pull away a large portion PAS’s membership into their party as they had first expected.
With a majority of its members being stuck in verbal arguments & online feuds, it is sadly unable to successfully ‘move away’ from PAS & produce their own contemporary content that gives them added value.
Instead, it relies too much on sentiments & current issues related to Islam to get into the spotlight.
Their flexibility & dynamism is certainly a welcomed addition to the coalition but is well far off the expectations to eventually replace PAS’s role in the opposition.
On top of that, it is not yet electorally proven nor is it well coordinated as a party & it lacks an authentic national vision to convince new voters to what they have to offer.
The provocative argument would be that what they are offering at the moment has already been done by PKR a decade ago & it is sort of redundant to have them as an idealistic Islamist party that does not have the numbers to show for.
AMANAH needs to become more futuristic & invest heavily into building its foundation or supporter base that specifically targets segments of society that it is willing to dedicate without falling into populist traps.
Mr Mohamad Sabu has the tough duty to rebrand his party drastically, with the main plus point for his party is that they are ‘well motivated’ & ‘well united’.
Behind the scenes, there exists a ‘secret war’ that intensifies the tension between this party & their former hosts.
The ongoing rivalry among Malaysia’s Muslim movements can be traced all the way back to the 1960’s & reach new heights during the late 1980’s – early 1990’s whereby PAS was involved in a confrontation with JIM to win the ‘hearts & minds’ of the Muslim population.
This issue found an interval during the ‘Reformasi’ period, through the captivating leadership of the then PAS president Fadzil Noor to cooperate with all Muslim movements & NGOs in a ‘brotherhood’ spirit to pursue truth & justice for Anwar Ibrahim.
JIM which has a strong following would later on become IKRAM after its split with ISMA, with some of IKRAM’s leaders entering PAS as a result of the ‘Reformasi’ & dissolvement of JIM.
The rivalry resume immediately post-GE 13 when PAS began to blame IKRAM as saboteurs & launched an eradication effort to ‘purify’ its party, with many political casualties in the ‘purge’ process leading to the eventual exodus into AMANAH.
This culminated into many IKRAM members to assimilate themselves along with the discarded PAS members to find refuge under the new party & become its active movers.
In the long term, such rivalry would produce an eventual outcome.
What aught to be the focus for all Islamist regardless of its party affiliation is to refute the misconception upon the religion & comprehend the ongoing issues facing Islam as well as Malay Muslims identity in a rational manner.
It is hoped that AMANAH will be able to free itself from the ‘chains’ of a prolonged rivalry & discover its own niche that would enhance the coalition’s stature as well as the party’s direction.
AMANAH will also be hoping to make inroads into the Kelantan & Terengganu states to tip the scale in their coalition’s favor.
iv – BERSATU
The ‘new kid on the block’ comprising of very seasoned politicians & strong ‘heavyweights’ that splintered from its original party, UMNO.
BERSATU is the product of the current Najib Razak administration & appears to be so threatening to the establishment that so much effort & resources are spent by the government to halt the powerful drive that BERSATU has managed to surge forward with.
Much of that threat originates from one of the most crafty politicians in Malaysian history named Dr Mahathir.
Holding office for more than 20 years as the premier, Dr Mahathir oversaw Malaysia’s actual transition & actual transformation from an agricultural-based country into an industrial-based & later technological-based country.
His stewardship & visionary developments made Malaysia into a role model at a regional level & global level.
Often citing neighboring Singapore as a benchmark that Malaysia needs to surpass by any means necessary, Dr Mahathir pushed ahead to remake Malaysia in his image.
But, this came at a cost.
Dr Mahathir also was known for being an autocratic leader leaving behind a tainted legacy despite his illustrious achievements.
As many authors had already mentioned, Dr Mahathir remains a polarizing figure in Malaysia. Nearly all of the problems & the successes that Malaysia have today is in some part due to his contributions.
The dismantling of many democratic pillars & pluralistic foundations by the forefathers, are compensated by his ingenious policies & insightful leadership that make him intrinsically bonded with the Malaysian story.
His harsh clamp downs on civil liberties & public spaces are in tandem with Malaysia’s extraordinary political stability & economic prosperity.
He bullied his predecessors Tunku Abdul Rahman & Hussein Onn into resignation, eliminated all of his handpicked deputies such as Musa Hitam, Gaffar Baba & Anwar Ibrahim, eventually toppled his eventual successor Abdullah Bawawi, & is now gunning to remove his former protege Najib Razak.
At the age of 93, Dr Mahathir had witness Malaysia at its infancy & is now back again for another showdown to alter the country’s destiny.
This dramatic script could not have been imagined by any political analyst, what more seeing Dr Mahathir entering the very same opposition that he single-handed demonized & broke apart during his tenure.
Such is the turn of events that Dr Mahathir even reconciled with Anwar Ibrahim to overcome & take down the party, UMNO, that they were once its ‘superstars’.
Due to Anwar Ibrahim incarceration, Dr Mahathir was seen as the most recognizable face & ministerial experienced to be presented as the coalition’s leader.
With full house crowds in attendance to nearly all of their road-tour ‘ceramahs’, something big is definitely brewing beneath the ground that might shatter the illusions most Malay-Bumiputra voters have about Pakatan Harapan to protect their interests.
Former big-shots like Muhyiddin Yassin, Mukhriz Mahathir, etc, have constructed a brand new party & has seen it flourish exponentially to become a fearsome party that steals UMNO’s ‘thunder’ causing those in BN to panic.
On the East Malaysia, Shafie Afdal’s Parti Warisan Sabah is also riding the wave of many marginalized Sabahan’s mood for change after long held frustrations & disservice.
Being among those high-profile leaders vanquished from UMNO, Mr Shafie’s party is very significant in helping the Pakatan Harapan coalition win Sabah votes that will impact the overall election results for federal control.
Having several retired Malay leaders like Rafidah Aziz & Daim Zainuddin to come out in public again, actively expressing their concerns & criticism towards the BN government are also impressive feats done by BERSATU.
Many Malay top civil servants & middle-class businessmen indebted to Dr Mahathir’s policies are also silently upset with the rising cost of living, stagnant salaries & ill-treatment received from politicians, causing a possible switch in their protest votes from UMNO to BERSATU.
Dr Mahathir has the tools to win an election against all odds, with the main plus point for his party is that they are ‘well funded’ & ‘well organized’.
Along with having such impressive political profiles, BERSATU have done very well with their youth wing led by the promising Syed Saddiq, as well as its bureau led by Dr Rais Hussin who brought in the ‘young intellects’ of Wan Saiful & Dr Mazlee Malik as future investments for the party.
Thus, BERSATU has assembled what most political parties desire for, the combination of ‘authority’, ‘strategy’ as well as ‘energy’ at its disposal.
The underlying problem that this party face is the issue of opportunity seekers among its membership, its uncanny similarity with its foe UMNO & the ailing health condition of its elderly founder, Dr Mahathir.
BERSATU will also be hoping to make inroads into the Kedah, Perak & Johor states to tip the scale in their coalition’s favor.
Key States To Look Out For & The Resulting Possibilities
- Perak, Johor, Sabah due to significant Parliament seats.
- A target of 100/165 Parliament seats in West Malaysia (Semenanjung)
- My estimated threshold stand at (40% BN), (40% PH), (10% GS), (10% Silent)
- Deadlock & ‘Hung’ Parliament.
Switching Deals & Negotiations Take Place.
Unity Government Is Declared.
- BN Wins With Slim A Mandate.
Najib Razak Hands Over To New Layer, Maybe Hishamuddin Hussein.
BN Repairs Its Reputation.
- An Opposition ‘Miracle’.
Where To Next, A ‘New Malaysia’.
From ‘Finish Line To Podium’.
Arrangement For Ministerial Posts.
Long Awaited Reforms Take Place.
May these humble opinions of mine be beneficial for others.
The Malaysia that we live in today, is different from the Malaysia that we grew up in.
Everything has change permanently.
We must now decide whether it is filled with fear or filled with hope.
Halmie Azrie Abdul Halim
Former International Relations Exco of PKPIM Central, and is currently affiliated with ABIM.